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Arganzuela, — los barrios negros. When we look at this material overall, we can see an enormous number of references across disciplines and creative fields, influencing one another in concepts, styles and methods of working.

Prostitutes Primer Ensanche the concept of bas-fonds did not reach a final or precise definition, it nonetheless became a defining element of the nature of a major city at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth.

Madrid also, albeit in more modest manner and Prostitutes Primer Ensanche a certain time-lag, also took part in these major changes, and during the years of the Restoration began to undergo a profound alteration in its nature as city, as much in its urban and economic Prostitutes Primer Ensanche as in the way in which its social groups were composed, organized Prostitutes Primer Ensanche functioned Carballo ; Pallol ; Vicente Around it had been portrayed by photographers such as Laurent and writers such as Mesonero Romanos as a small and rather grubby urban centre of power, cramped and grimy, in which one Prostitutes Primer Ensanche easily be lost in a maze of tiny streets and minute squares.

By contrast, invarious magazines of the day, such as Blanco y negro or Nuevo mundo, promoted a vision of cosmopolitan Madrid in reports that highlighted the remodelled outlines of the city and the New York- style lines of buildings and avenues. This was such a clear overall change that it was even echoed by The Times in a special report on Madrid on 1 March A magnificent hunt for the eyes.

Through this project, liberal regimes put paid to the idea of the city as enclosed space, at the Prostitutes Primer Ensanche time as they sketched out new frontiers in everyday living.

The new urban districts that sprang up with the Ensanche came to be privileged spaces in which these modern transformations of urban society took place Otero and Pallol — Prominent among these districts was the Ensanche Sur the Southern Expansion Prostitutes Primer Ensanche, consisting of the new outlying districts to the south of the city, which took on a major role in the way fear and urban panic were experienced, or rather, as they were reformulated within the volatile and changeable cultural constructions that comprised the idea of the underworld that underlay modernity.

The expansion of the city on the basis of a careful plan for the use of space, one that took into account the economics and practical uses of that space, as set out in the Ensanche project, meant that from onwards a socio-spatial division was set in process, similar to what was happening in other major European cities. This explains why Madrid followed paths similar to those found elsewhere in the articulation of ideas, discourses and images that would designate the marginal and negative aspects of its society, Prostitutes Primer Ensanche that had nothing to do with Prostitutes Primer Ensanche views of the city — something that has persisted into our times Vicente 13— The poor quality and uneven nature of building plots, the Prostitutes Primer Ensanche set up to finance urban development in the Ensanche project one undoubtedly discriminatory in natureProstitutes Primer Ensanche invasion of urban space by railway stations and other buildings, factories and industrial depots, meant that the Ensanche Sur was for decades one of the most wretched areas of the city.

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But from about —20 onwards there was a marked renovation of residential dwellings, a major proportion of the streets were put into good order, and basic provisions of lighting and pavements were made Vicente — The construction of this new urban imaginary had three main points of impulse.

Respectable citizens do not want to find themselves entangled in a world of vice and they find it repellent to think of having Prostitutes Primer Ensanche witness scandalous scenes that would make one blush. A second stage in the construction of the modern imaginary of the Madrid underworld came from literary writers. It was a rotten scrap of city, cut and thrown away, out of an urge for cleanliness, so it would not corrupt the central part.

Baroja added a more modern touch to this nineteenth-century view, using a gaze that was more naked and that focused on the new realities, the new poor and the newly marginalized of a society undergoing industrialization: the young penniless immigrant, the rag and bone man, the street seller, the Prostitutes Primer Ensanche, and even the guttersnipe, emblem not only Prostitutes Primer Ensanche the work of Baroja but of all the sub- world of Madrid taken together Huertas —40; Del Moral These authors also established close links between the world of creative literature and advances in various branches of the sciences.

Their works echoed advances in experimental medicine, biology and psychiatry, and they used their writings to disseminate debates about personal hygiene, the healthy or unhealthy nature of city life, prostitution, child labour and absenteeism from education, Prostitutes Primer Ensanche system of health and welfare services. The corpus of works by these writers would go to make up the imaginary of the modern Madrid underworld, and building on this foundation are the writers we could refer to as the third wave of journalists and reporters as some defined themselves who came in the s, and who took the points of reference for the imaginary to a more refined form, mannerist and sensationalist.

The raw material they used was news items about murders, armed attacks or the discovery of beggars in night shelters; but what Prostitutes Primer Ensanche stood out was less the news items as such than the way they were reported and narrated, and the literary accounts of them. When we look at this material overall, we can see an Prostitutes Primer Ensanche number of references across disciplines and creative fields, influencing one another in concepts, styles and methods of working.

In this way Madrid put together its own version of the social imaginary of the underworld, running in Prostitutes Primer Ensanche to those of the other major western capitals, with a series of fundamental identifying touches that would show up its own characteristic way of deviating from the socially acceptable norm.

Capítulo 1 - Parte 1 - Disputas

The Social Stigma of Space As indicated above, the process of modern socio-spatial segregation meant that space took on economic, social, cultural and imaginary meanings. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the Prostitutes Primer Ensanche of the city sketched out a new map of wealth and poverty, in the course of which the Ensanche Sur became one of its most wretched zones: the Ensanche project did not offer an overall solution to the public health problems that Prostitutes Primer Ensanche beset the city for decades, and simply removed to the peripheral areas, such as the southern zone, where until the s the condition of the streets would remain in a terrible condition, Prostitutes Primer Ensanche the benefit of public services and with poor quality and unhealthy dwellings Vicente Into this mix also came the factor of the railway and its tracks, the iron and coal warehouses and various industrial buildings, which coated a large part of the environment with soot, blackening the horizon.

This is how the description of surroundings and of specific places came to play a fundamental role in how concepts of reality, and imaginaries of the criminal and marginal, would be formed. Space has various levels at which it may be analysed, and different meanings that are closely bound to one another. Within space we find encompassed the trinity of marginality: poverty, illness and crime. First, the Prostitutes Primer Ensanche was portrayed as Madrid at its most poverty-stricken.

Repeatedly the wretched look Prostitutes Primer Ensanche the area was commented on, as much within narrative fiction as in public health reports or in journalistic reporting. Until the beginning of the twentieth century, most of the residential buildings of the district were made of poor-quality materials.

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Most of the houses were low in height, with walls of adobe, plaster or poor-quality brick, and earth floors. There were areas where shanty buildings predominated, with hovels and huts cobbled together out of loose panels, cardboard and rubbish. It was a landscape where one occasionally saw a larger building, or local public buildings or yards, where the keynotes were that they were overcrowded and unhealthy.

Secondly, the Ensanche Sur was treated as if it were non-urban space. Some women came out of their houses to do their hair, and the mattress-makers beat the wool, while hens scurried about and scratched away at the earth Baroja The Prostitutes Primer Ensanche setting was accompanied by municipal neglect. Although the outlying districts of the south had formed part of Madrid since the Ensanche inthe city council did not favour them with the same level of attention that it paid to other districts Carballo, Pallol and Vicente — Prostitutes Primer Ensanche poor condition of the building plots made them unattractive prospects for investment, and the authorities did little to alter this situation.

A reaction to this neglect was a vigorous social mobilization among residents of the area: they made numerous demands for the provision of public infrastructure, and for Prostitutes Primer Ensanche paving and lighting of streets, although the response to most of these demands was rarely positive Vicente No water, electricity, schools or social services.

An Arab Madrid, Berber Madrid, with no hygiene, no water, with hovels where a huge population does not so much live as die Blanco Soria b: 3. Thirdly, the Ensanche Sur was viewed and characterized as a space that was both ill and unhealthy. Most of the demands made by residents were related to the need to improve sanitary conditions in the area.

The districts of Prostitutes Primer Ensanche south were considered Prostitutes Primer Ensanche be places of illness, contagion and death. The reports made by the officers of the city council and the writings of medico- social authors on the lack of proper sewage and drainage systems completely lacking until Prostitutes Primer Ensanche period —20 focused on the threat that such conditions represented for the health of the rest of the population.

Such epidemics were most severely experienced in the poorest Prostitutes Primer Ensanche, and were fought through welfare societies and campaigns of local solidarity, which showed up the lack of effective means to Prostitutes Primer Ensanche illness in the medium term once the immediate periods of crisis were over. Along with reports on epidemics, the most frequent news items that mentioned the districts of the south concerned various criminal offences, including fights, public disturbances and murders.

Knowing just where a place was constituted a key factor in Prostitutes Primer Ensanche construction of a mental map of urban insecurity. The districts of the south were presented as being a zone of evil, where outrageous crimes took place and where there were wrongdoings on a daily basis.

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For the purposes of public security it was essential to be able to locate the calles asesinas murder streetscorners where hold-ups were common, places that were frequented by swindlers, Prostitutes Primer Ensanche that people could have an idea of a criminal world that had precise limits, outside which there was a reasonable level of safety. Only a few metres separated modern life, circulating above, from this gully where traditions Prostitutes Primer Ensanche a nomadic existence still continued.

Fifthly, space was conceived of as being a frontier, specifically a frontier with the outside world. The factor of distance from the city centre, added to the fact that one actually went downhill to reach the wretched outer zones, at least those in the south, was a fundamental characteristic of the area, one that was to be found in the social imaginary of such poor districts in all major cities. In Madrid, not only was it necessary to travel considerably in order to reach the districts of the south, but one also had to deal with changes in the level of the terrain, so that one was readily prompted to think of it as a physical descent to the lowest districts of the city, like a descent into hell.

The city was thus converted into a labyrinth of internal boundaries that were apparently invisible and yet that had their effect upon the behaviour and movements of people. Restoration Madrid drew up a new moral map Prostitutes Primer Ensanche distinguished and separated Prostitutes Primer Ensanche districts that were beyond reproach, usually with high rents and better buildings, from pernicious areas full of vice, usually the most modest districts where rents were low McKinney 15— Indeed, the alarm about morality was raised as soon as the area was legalized as municipal territory.

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When one looks at such houses, one feels at a huge distance from Prostitutes Primer Ensanche capital, in a stinking swamp, inhabited only by crocodiles or ragged, wild Moors. A common custom among the people there is to hire small children […] Once they have drawn up the contracts for Prostitutes Primer Ensanche activity, they mix the children up, without regard for sex or age, getting them into marriages with unfortunate girls who happen to be their companions, or just to be in the same place.

Rag and Bone Men: The Social Face of Marginality Making Prostitutes Primer Ensanche criminal, whether through narrative or social practice, was something that could be extended to the people who occupied it.

Space took an active role in prompting new representations of social groups to come into being, and in the creation of new identities. Living in a particular district meant Prostitutes Primer Ensanche with a particular image, and in the case of the people who lived in these slum areas, the way that they and their occupations looked was always perceived within a framework Prostitutes Primer Ensanche prevention. The lack of trust shown, matching what is found in newspaper accounts of the s, must have been present on both sides when an Prostitutes Primer Ensanche to this community arrived.

No vivimos del trato. We work in the boiler-making shop. The imaginary of the modern underworld meant that there also had to be a rewriting Prostitutes Primer Ensanche the margins of society in terms of the human reality of the actual inhabitants of this space.

Those who lived in the districts of the Ensanche Sur would be characterized according Prostitutes Primer Ensanche the figures held to be representative of marginality, such as the beggar, the gypsy, the footpad or the smuggler, all people of the low life, defined by how they looked, their behaviour or the use of special language, a sort of slang full of words Prostitutes Primer Ensanche were mysterious to anyone who was not familiar with their meaning tapia [wall] for the accomplice who is on the look-out while others rob a house, consorte [spouse] as the companion of Prostitutes Primer Ensanche pickpocket, picos [beaks] for the Guardia Civil, bofia [pigs] for the police, gumieros for poultry thieves, tiradoras for women who steal wallets etc.

In the first third of the twentieth century, the Madrid town council had still not solved the problem of how to arrange for the collection and storage of refuse on a daily basis, with the result that rag and bone men were a fundamental necessity for the day-to-day running of the city. Through their profession, the rag and bone men symbolized everything that modernity threw away, by the nature of what they did, by the places where they worked rubbish dumps and dung heaps and by where they had their dwellings.

They were the marginal blighted ones, the leftovers of the civilized modern world.

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A ragged army, dishevelled and sleep-deprived, birds of prey and pillage that hurl themselves on the city when it is still asleep. Rag and bone men were only allowed to circulate in the streets with their carts until eight in the morning in summer, and ten in winter. Es entonces cuando las traperas realizan su ministerio expurgador y miserable.

Las traperas asaltan la urbe como un regimiento de hormigas. Sus Prostitutes Primer Ensanche sucias escarban en todos los montones de inmundicias. Las traperas penetran en todas las casas con los pasos Prostitutes Primer Ensanche de los salteadores.

This is when the women of the rag and bone trade, and with them all the outcast and wretched of society, carry out their miserable ministry of purgation.

At this raw hour of dawn, the women of the rag and bone trade launch themselves at the defenceless city to secure their booty. These women assault the city as if they were an army of ants. Their filthy hands scrabble in all Prostitutes Primer Ensanche muck-heaps. The women of the rag and bone trade penetrate into every house with the silent step Prostitutes Primer Ensanche the footpad.

The modern city only wanted the rag and bone men in their streets to collect the rubbish, and to do it when the occupants of the city were still asleep, when they Prostitutes Primer Ensanche not aware of the rape that their being in the city represented, when they could not see them because their faces were blurred with the last tatters of the night. Conclusion During the Restoration, the sudden and enormous growth of Madrid as it faced the arrival of thousands of immigrants the population almost trebled in these years and the process by which space in the Prostitutes Primer Ensanche was segregated was an undercurrent that changed the ways in which social images were identified, represented and imagined.

This explains the way in which the modern social imaginary of the underworld of the Spanish capital came into being and acquired its clear shape. Within this process, one of its zones, the Ensanche Sur, was a scene of prime importance. A whole Prostitutes Primer Ensanche of images and representations of this process was elaborated from different angles, and at different stages, based on Prostitutes Primer Ensanche reality that changed over the years.

Neither Madrid nor its southern districts were the same in as they were Prostitutes Primer Ensanchefor example. And yet reality, and its recreated forms, took different paths. The Nazis took all the Jews in. Dizeren and A. Videos de beyonce single ladies para descargar.

In Warsaw, in Augustduring the mass deportations, the Jewish police commander, Joseph Szerynski, was attacked by the underground and seriously wounded. Previous Next. Fetterleyn, with Prostitutea of the British radio intelligence service, sharing the most confidential Prostjtutes on signals intelligence and cryptanalysis. The corridor continued to a corridor in the third barrack Each of the three chambers had a door in its northern wall.

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